![]() ![]() Subsequent studies, cited below, have examined involuntary changes of address due to housing market disinvestment, gentrification, and other processes of urban decline and redevelopment. However, the phenomenon is far from new, first receiving scholarly scrutiny during the 1960s as a byproduct of urban renewal and freeway construction projects ( Anderson 1967 Estrada 2005 Wilson 1966). 2015a Immergluck 2009, 2015) and Desmond’s (2016) ongoing efforts to document and account for the ubiquity of eviction have prompted widespread interest in displacement. 1 The foreclosure crisis of the mid-2000s ( Been et al. 2009).ĭisplacement refers to involuntary mobility, when a household must leave a dwelling unit against its will. Being displaced can disrupt household members’ social networks, reduce their access to jobs and services, increase material hardship, and undermine health and family functioning, among a range of potential negative outcomes ( Allen 2013 Desmond & Gershenson 2016 Desmond & Kimbro 2015 Fried 1966 Hartman 1964 Kingsley et al. 2010)-arguably constitutes the most extreme, traumatic type of housing insecurity. Here we focus on residential displacement, which-aside from literal homelessness ( Lee et al. Beyond cost burden ( Desmond 2018), some of the more common manifestations of housing insecurity are overcrowding, doubling up, and frequent moves, also known as hypermobility ( Myers et al. Although housing insecurity is often viewed as a result of prolonged unemployment or a dip in income, it may be antecedent to them consider how excessive housing costs constrain savings and increase debt. 2008).Īs these illustrations suggest, housing figures prominently in the connections between different types of economic insecurity. And unforeseen events, such as job loss or a medical problem requiring expensive treatment, can quickly destabilize a family’s residential situation ( Pollack & Lynch 2009 Robertson et al. Across metropolitan areas, for example, mortgage foreclosure rates tend to be higher in precarious labor markets ( Dwyer & Lassus 2015). The risk shift identified by Hacker highlights the extent to which various forms of insecurity are interrelated, at both the aggregate and individual levels. Hacker (2006) blames the trend on an historic shift in the locus of risk, with households now expected to take greater responsibility for their own well-being in the face of corporate and governmental retreat from the provision of collective ‘social insurance’. This insecurity is evident in a variety of domains, including employment, income, health care, and retirement ( Kalleberg 2011 Sullivan et al. Paradoxically, such patterns may contribute to a perception of displacement as random or unpredictable, further heightening public concern about the issue.ĭespite the obvious wealth and prosperity of the United States, many Americans have experienced growing economic insecurity during recent decades. ![]() Analysis of householder characteristics associated with displacement indicates that many longstanding disparities between advantaged and disadvantaged statuses persist, although they tend to be modest in size. We document fluctuations in the relatively small share of mobile households who move involuntarily but detect no clear upward trend over time. These definitions are operationalized with reason-for-move data from seven waves of the American Housing Survey conducted between 20. Our components approach to the concept encourages definitions of varied emphasis and scope. Have the magnitude and correlates of residential displacement changed during the early twenty-first century in response to the foreclosure and eviction crises and escalating natural hazard disasters? We consider this possibility against the backdrop of past research on other causes of displacement.
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